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No other conditions phonological, morphological, or otherwise are necessary for determining the host for the DefAcc. As a result of the structure produced in Syntax, the DefAcc will occur in a certain linear position, and then constraints in Phonology will effect a prosodic structure in which the DefAcc is cliticizes to the prosodic word occurring to its left and causes and apparent stress shift. As a final general point about DefAcc, it must be that the DefAcc and the Dems -ni and -na are treated as different by the grammar.

Learning Tongan

Though both Dem and DefAcc share many grammatical similarities i. The two of them can co-occur, and when they do, the order is fixed. The DefAcc necessarily occurs outside of the Dem. As we have already seen, both Dem and DefAcc are phrasal enclitics, attaching to a syntactic constituent that is roughly the size of NP. Additionally, - ni is of category Dem which can co-occur with these Ds. Additionally, Swedish marks certain DPs with two morphemes, each of which is associated with a distinct interpretation LaCara Similarly, other languages have two exponents in demonstratives , each with a different contribution to the interpretation.

In each of these cases, both D-like morphemes make unique contributions to the interpretation, supporting the idea that they are each realizations of a distinct head. As distinct heads, each requires its own D-like projection in the syntax. Notably, the DefAcc would be acceptable in 17 if the speaker did believe that devils exist, and that there is one outside. The approach taken here is that, as in the sentential domain, variable word orders within the DP ought to be derived from the same underlying constituency. Specifically, I argue that the head-final enclitics here are derived by phrasal movement of the NP, consistent with an Antisymmetric approach to syntax Kayne In this way, the phrase in 19 is derived as in No words or morphemes have been found to be able to intervene between the NP and the Dem.

Thus, accounting for the fact that the Dem and DefAcc are head-final in an otherwise robustly head-initial language requires only one, independently attested syntactic movement. As we will see later on, additional support for this movement will come from the distribution of relative clauses and the DefAcc. In spite of these motivations for a syntactic analysis, one may wonder about some non-syntactic accounts for the presence of DefAcc.

However, any such post-syntactic operation is problematic, since the DefAcc makes its own contribution to the interpretation.

Tag: Tongan grammar

In order to be semantically visible, the DefAcc would need to be present at LF. Instead, in order to both contribute to the meaning and have a pronounced form, DefAcc would need to be present in the narrow syntax. In these analyses, a morpheme occurs syntactically in one position feeding semantics , but these morphological operations can re-order that morpheme with other material feeding phonology. In this way, DefAcc could occur in a pre-nominal head-initial position in the syntax, but the morphology it is moved to become a post-nominal enclitic.

Lowering is typically defined targeting morphological heads as the landing site for movement—not syntactic phrases. On the other hand, Local Dislocation — which applies after Spell-Out—would not be provided with the necessary information about syntactic phrases to be able to have the DefAcc cliticize to the NP. As a result, a non-syntactic approach to the DefAcc in a post-syntactic domain would fail to capture key structural facts.

In addition, we will see that a strictly syntactic solution to the linear placement of the DefAcc will have the advantage of making correct predictions with regard to some of its phonological properties, as well as its variable placement with relative clauses, which we turn to now. As we have already seen, relative clauses henceforth RCs in Tongan are post-nominal.

End Of Part One

Having established a clearer idea of the basic structure of the Tongan DP and its post-nominal functional material, consider the data in 23 and 24 , which are representative of the available word orders for RCs. As we saw in 3 , Dems obligatorily follow adjectives; on the other hand, 23 shows that Dems obligatorily precede RCs; the data in 24 similarly indicate that a Dem cannot follow an RC. If the RC were an NP adjunct, we would predict 25b to be grammatical in the same way as 25a.


In fact, RCs and adjectives have completely different distributions with regard to the Dem and DefAcc. This indicates that RCs in Tongan occur in a different structural position than adjectives, and ought not to be treated as adjuncts of NP. Thus, consistent with the findings of Chung , we can conclude that RCs in Tongan are indeed a constituent within the DP.

Moreover, investigation with the two native speaker consultants has revealed no correlation between word order and interpretation e.

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The possible relevance of restrictivity was tested by providing the consultants with different contexts that each lead up to the same string. The first context in 27a forces a restrictive interpretation of the bracketed relative clause in 27b. On the other hand, the context in 28a forces a non -restrictive interpretation of the bracketed relative clause in 28b. Note that the sentences with the relative clause in the b examples are identical.

That is, the same word order can be used to express either a restrictive or non-restrictive relative clause. Similar findings have been reported for Japanese, where [RC Dem NP] ordering is ambiguous between restrictive and non-restrictive Ishizuka In addition to word order not being a cue for restrictivity, the consultation work done with these same two native speakers revealed no correlation between restrictivity and prosodic possibilities. Speakers reported that an Intonational Phrase prosodic break between the relativized noun pousikaati in this case and the relative clause was optional in both cases.

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We return to this in Section 4. These facts converge on a single conclusion: that all Tongan RCs must always originate within the DP, even when it appears to be outside of it, as in 26c. My analysis therefore relies on a different theory of RCs, which predicts these behaviors: the promotion analysis of RCs. Under contemporary promotion analyses of relative clauses, a relative clause is a CP introduced by a relativizer D.

The relativized NP, which is base-generated in its argument position within the CP and undergoes movement to the CP edge e. As a result, post-nominal RC languages e. Under an Antisymmetric approach, languages with pre-nominal RCs e. This movement fronts a sub-constituent of the CP for arguments, see e.

While both of these movements are obviously necessary for languages like Japanese, with pre-nominal RCs, I show they are also necessary for languages like Tongan, with post-nominal RCs. Assuming that Tongan DPs always involve 31a and that all RCs use 31b , we predict straightforwardly the word order in 32 by positing the structure in 33 , in which the relativization feeds the NP fronting.

Additionally, if the RC fronting that occurs in some languages is optional in Tongan, 31 we derive 34 — a minimal pair with 32 — with the structure and movements in Thus, based on what has been independently motivated for RCs crosslinguistically and for DPs in Tongan , we straightforwardly derive the im possibility of the RC word-orders in Recall from Section 3. The relevant range of data is summarized in the table in 36 , which also indicates that the different phrasings correspond to the two derivations we have seen.

The following sections provide the details of how each of these two derivations account for the prosodic phrasings above. To derive the phrasings in table above, let us first be more specific about the model of grammar that is being adopted here. In this model, morphosyntactic structure-building takes place in a single component of grammar morphological and syntactic structure-building are not separate; a basic tenet of Distributed Morphology; see Marantz or Siddiqi After semantic and phonological computation terminates, their respective outputs remain active 33 in the derivation, and the morphosyntactic structure-building continues, until the next phase.

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In this way, the grammar is cyclic as a system, and no single component is cyclic per se. The prosodic phrasing can be determined by providing the appropriate structure one like 33 or one like 35 as input to a four-constraint system as in We will revisit these first two constraint in Section 4. These two constraints crucially outrank the latter of the two A LIGN constraints, which will be responsible for the prosodic phrasings with the relative clauses.

This ranking is laid out below:. Using some given structure as input, this system dictates how to prosodically phrase the utterance. As a first demonstration of how this system works, consider the sentence in 36a , which native speakers report as needing to be in two Intonation Phrases:. To derive the word order in 39 , we need a structure like 33 , in which the RC has stayed within the CP.

This structure is given in The prosodic derivation for 36b , which must also be in two IPs in the same way, proceeds in the same way as this. Let us now apply this system of constrained derivations to some additional data. This prosodic difference is accounted for directly by the two different structures we have seen, one without RC fronting and one with it. Neither structure incurs any violations of any of the constraints.

Only in 43a does this make a difference, since there is no pronounced material following the break that gets inserted in 43b.

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Thus, though 43a and 43b might seem indistinguishable since the additional movement in 43b is string-vacuous, there is an empirically measurable effect on the prosody as a result of the movement. This adds clear support to both the syntactic and prosodic analyses promoted here. The prosodic derivation for 36g proceeds in the same way as 43a , and prosodic derivations for 36e-f proceed in the same way as 43b.

Therefore, these two structures and four rank-ordered constraints account for all the phrasing possibilities in Under this prosodic analysis, the possibilities in 36 are accounted for by having the prosodic component take two different syntactic structures—which are independently necessary to account for word-order data—as input. This analysis also rules out several unattested phrasings, such as 39b and 39d , among others.